NAPA Bulletin, Applied Anthropologist and Public Servant: The Life and Work of Philleo Nash

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  1. NAPA Bulletin, Applied Anthropologist and Public Servant: The Life and Work of Philleo Nash
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Karlish, and Ann M. If you do not receive an email within 10 minutes, your email address may not be registered, and you may need to create a new Wiley Online Library account. If the address matches an existing account you will receive an email with instructions to retrieve your username. Skip to Main Content. AAA Membership americananthro. Annals of Anthropological Practice. AAP Book Series With more than 30 volumes, this essential series from Annals of Anthropological Practice formerly NAPA Bulletin features thought-provoking research on current topics related to public health, social justice, the media, environmental management and a myriad of other timely issues.

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Photographs, illustrations and map. Bibliography, references and index. First edition. Tall 8vo. Cloth binding, silver lettering, no jacket, very good copy. Published by University of New Mexico, Albuquerque From: The Book Collector, Inc. Soft cover. Royal octavo 9" x 6" bound in original publisher's wrappers with black lettering to spine. Publications in Anthropology number three. This story forms the basis for the traditional Navajo way of life. All these things were spiritually created in the time before the Earth existed and the physical aspect of humans did not exist yet, but the spiritual did.

The First or Dark World was small and centered on an island floating in the middle of four seas. In his book, "Democracy, Inc. Unlike classic totalitarianism with its strong central control and rigid citizen mobilization, our times represent the political coming of age of corporate power and the political demobilization of the citizenry.

With the constant downsizing, privatization, outsourcing and the dismantling of the welfare state the resulting state of insecurity makes the public feel so helpless that it is less likely to become politically active, he argues. The biomedical system is a powerful force in this trend. Critical social scientists, like anthropologists, are systematically excluded, as teachers, from practicing in biomedical clinics unless they have an MD or biomedical credential.

Much critical research about biomedicine and other medical approaches is ignored in mainstream practice.


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But as Freire said, "Washing one's hands of the conflict between the powerful and the powerless means to side with the powerful, not to be neutral. This article offers one tactic focusing on the field of medicine. Applied anthropologists need to conduct ethnographic investigations of medical complaints in their own schools, towns and communities and then link that research to submerged and suppressed data about social and environmental etiologies, local and global.

Then we must find creative ways to convert that emancipatory knowledge into effective pedagogical tools to civically engage the calumnies of local power. References Baer, H. Brouwer, Steve. New York: Monthly Review. Carter, J. Racketeering in Medicine, The Suppression of Alternatives.

Norfolk, VA: Hampton Roads. Davis, D. The Secret History of the War on Cancer. New York: Basic. Freire, P. Pedagogy of the Oppressed. New York: Seabury Press. Illich, I. Medical Nemesis: The Expropriation of Health. New York: Bantam. McKenna, Brian. In Press.

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NAPA Bulletin, Applied Anthropologist and Public Servant: The Life and Work of Philleo Nash

McKenna, B. Policy Futures in Education. Volume 8 Number 1 How Green is Your Pediatrician? December Mendelsohn, Robert S. Confessions of a Medical Heretic. New York: Warner Books. Saputo, Len, MD. Waitzkin, Howard. New Haven: Yale. Wolin, Sheldon S. Democracy Inc. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Unfortunately, local conceptions of mountains as sacred places have been misunderstood by scholars, explorers, government officials, and perhaps more recently, tourists. Perhaps no region in the world has elicited more interest or fascination than the Himalaya as a center for spiritual enlightenment, mountaineering, and first ascents. Many studies have examined the impact of tourism and mountaineering on local tribes in the Himalaya Ortner , Fisher , but little attention has been given to the issue of sacred peaks and how the burgeoning climbing industry is affecting local conceptions of sacred places, their resident deities, and what happens after the peak has been climbed, renamed, and published in international journals.

Like Tibet, western Sichuan traditionally a part of Tibet called Kham and Yunnan remained predominately rural, marginal agricultural regions until the twentieth century. During the early years of the Chinese republic , Sichuan was controlled by a feudal warlord system; at one point the province was divided into 17 independent military units and was not unified under the Nationalist government until Keays Similarly, Yunnan is composed of over 20 different ethnic groups who predate Chinese civilization.

The indigenous Yi, a subsistence agricultural group, and the Bai of the northwest region, trace their linguistic roots to Tibeto-Burman origins. Buddhism was introduced to Tibet from India in C. Protection from the gods does not come automatically, but must be renewed and petitioned through ritual via the priests and shamans who make contact with them. These sabdag include mountain gods who dwell on snowy peaks, serpent spirits of the underworld, aerial warrior demons, rock sprites and so on. These spirits are highly dangerous if disturbed, bringing bad luck such as failed crops, drought or other natural disasters.

The relationship between humans and sabdag also forms the basis for a sacred geography. Generally speaking, there are two types of sacred places in Tibet. Specific sacred peaks, for example Mount Kailash which is interpreted as the earthly equivalent of the spiritual Mount Meru, are well known geographical features venerated by Tibetan Buddhists and the site of pilgrimage and circumbulation for practitioners throughout Southeast Asia. On the other hand, there are also sacred places which are venerated locally, but have no significance to the wider Tibetan or Buddhist communities.

Both kinds of sacred peaks find their basis in Tibetan culture as those places which have been historically conquered by lamas or priests from the destructive forces of local spirits. Sacred Peaks, Sacred Climbing The relationship between Western mountaineers and local tradition has shifted over the years, reflecting the historical and political time of their encounter. Some early explorers viewed local people and their mountain deities as quaint superstitions, while others such as Marco Pallis were enamored with Tibetan Buddhism.

Rather than lengthy, year-long travelogues that explore the variations of cultural difference, climbing journals abound with short, bite-sized descriptions of attempts and first ascents, while blogs and personal websites describe climbs in remote corners of the world. Of paramount importance is whether the peak has been climbed before, and by whom. According to blog reports from many of the recent international climbing expeditions have failed due to inclement weather and other natural disasters, as well as passive aggressive resistance from local monks who believe that the peaks should remain unclimbed.

Antagonism towards mountaineers shows signs of a proliferating tourism industry. In the most recent American Alpine Journal , several articles on climbs in Shaluli Shan report incidences of safety problems, including villagers stealing crampons, stoves and food as well as blatant extortion. While mountaineering may represent a Western sense of the sacred, indigenous conceptions of mountains, mountain deities, and sacred geographies differ from Western notions of mountains as monuments of humanity, accessible to anyone willing to traverse them. Wild places, including particular mountain peaks are sacred because they are the home of indigenous deities who provide protection and good fortune unless unduly disturbed.

In the indigenous framework, the environment is understood within a context of history, mythology and collective experience Ramble , where specific peaks, streams, lakes and other sacred sites represent knowledge of place based on the accumulation of generations of people living in a particular environment. How this knowledge and understanding of place will change due to increased media exposure and tourism pressure over the next decade is unknown.

During this trip, she hopes to document which peaks are considered sacred and what local people would like to see as far as international climbing expeditions on and around their sacred peaks. Questions this research hopes to address include: Should mountains be considered the sacred heritage of humanity, or of a particular people who live among them?

What is the relationship between local practitioners and their sacred peaks? How is this changing as the regions are opened up to tourism in various forms? Specifically, how does mountaineering and first ascents on sacred peaks change the meaning and nature of that peak for local people?

Is there a way to mediate the impact of international mountaineering in these regions, perhaps by designating some peaks off-limits to climbers and the development of more culturally appropriate forms of tourism in these regions? The goal of this trip is to mediate future climbing activity by educating climbers and working with local people to protect their cultural heritage before these places become commercialized and the target of international climbing expeditions.

References Baker, Ian. Heart of the World. Penguin: New York. Bellezza, John Vincent. Brill Academic Publishers: Ledien. Bernbaum, Edwin. Brown, B. Burdsall, Richard L. The Mountaineers: Seattle. David-Neel, Alexandra.

Harper Perennial: New York. Dyson, L. Hendriks, M. Harrer, Heinrich. Seven Years in Tibet. Herzog, Maurice. Annapurna: the First Conquest of an 8, meter Peak, 2nd edition. Lyons Press: New York. Isserman, Maurice and Stewart Weaver. Yale University Press: New Haven. James K. Sherpas: Reflections on Change in Himalayan Nepal. University of California Press. Keays, John. China: a History.


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    The Snow Leopard. Penguin Books: New York. Morning Post, Jan. Nagata, Hideki. Nakamura, Tamotsu. Princeton University Press: New Jersey. Otto, Jon. Pallis, Marco. Peaks and Lamas. Shoemaker and Hoard: London Pistono, Matteo. Dutton Books, New York. Pei, S. Traditional culture and biodiversity conservation in Yunnan, pp. Xu, editor. Ramble, Charles. Oxford University Press: New York. Ridgeway, Rick. New York. Ruchkin, J. Szilas, K. Veenhof, Douglas. Harmony Books: New York. Thubron, Colin. To a Mountain in Tibet. Harper: New York. Waterman, Jonathon editor. Wynne-Jones, David.

    Maritime anthropology, an introduction

    Adams and Nettie K. By John van Willigen [John. This interview is focused on his work dealing with the impacts of the inundation which the dam caused in the Sudan. This work started in and lasted seven years. His wife, anthropologist Nettie K. Adams was a partner in these efforts and has made important contributions to the study of textiles in an archaeological context in the Middle East. They are both anthropology graduates of the University of Arizona. Their involvement in Nubia started as a four month consulting project for Bill but evolved in an important multi-year effort in which both were involved.

    Based on this work Bill published the seminal Nubia: Corridor to Africa This volume received the Melville J. Later his Nubian work was officially recognized in the Sudan by being awarded the Order of the Two Niles by the President. Now retired, Bill and Nettie continue their writing and research programs. The interview and editing for transcription accuracy and continuity was done by John van Willigen. In fact, it eventually became the tail that wagged the dog. But the whole focus, in the case of Egypt, was on the conservation of temples because there are thirty-two major Pharaonic temples in Egyptian Nubia that would either be inundated or would have to be dismantled and rebuilt.

    But the challenge in the Sudan was really entirely different and the Sudanese themselves were not too clear just about what they ought to be trying to do and the UNESCO even less so. And the Sudan was really waiting for this expert to come out and tell them what they ought to be doing.

    Well, what happened, all these things are accidental, John, everything fell into place accidentally. The Sudan Survey Department had an aerial photography aircraft that was working systematically on photographing various parts of the country. Well, they had two days a week with that aircraft where they were allowed to use it for various kinds of testing, [they could] pretty much do anything they wanted with it.

    And so they just decided to put this plane at our disposal. So I went up with those guys two days a week about four months and we flew up and down over this country, a very low level. Now, I was really just trying to fulfill my rubric as an aerial photography specialist [chuckle]. For no other reason basically than to tell the pilot when to turn around [chuckle] on these different runs. But we did, in fact, over a period of four months succeed in taking a whole series of very, very low-level air photographs from which we made a mosaic of the area that was to be flooded.

    Now, these things were not really of any value in terms of locating archaeological sites. I mean, in fact they are all buried under sand, you got to find [sites] on the ground. What they did do in the absence of any kind of decent maps was make us a base map of site locations and so that was the virtue of it. Nettie and I had come to realize during our two years in Glen Canyon that we were repeating a lot of work that had already been done without realizing it. So, we determined we are going to learn about this area and lay down the baseline of the known before we do anything else.

    If the question is really finding what the resources are, we got to go up there and start a survey on the ground. And so, he then agreed and asked UNESCO for an extension of my contract another four months and then Nettie and I then moved to the area and we simply decided that the only way to do this is to just start right on the Egyptian border with our backs against the border [chuckle] and start moving south with a team of men. They put on originally a team of about 25 or 30 laborers. Well, first of all something about the structure of the team.

    You have a small cadre of trained Egyptian excavators. They are called Quftis, they come from the village of Quft [in Egypt] to start archaeological work. They understand nothing about archaeological strategy but do know the basics of tactics, of moving dirt. Those guys [are] like a bunch of non-coms, you see, and at the head of them you have a guy that is like a top sergeant, called your Reis and then a bunch of laborers who we hire locally. And various things can happen. Now the whole West Bank of the Sudan is absolutely inundated under wind-blown sand. So all the sites are buried. It was just a question of keeping your eyes open for telltale signs.

    But when you run across one of those things, okay the next thing is simply scratching away the sand. The basic excavation instrument is a short-handled, heavy plated hoe called a turiya. It is used by bending over, raking the sand toward you with this thing and the sand is raked into baskets which is then carried away by basket carriers and dumped wherever you decided. Everybody is a searcher but nobody is a recorder. None of these guys could read or write. I mean all the recording and that means all the mapping, all the photography, all the cross sections, shooting levels, everything was done by us because there was nobody else to help out on that.

    But it was just a question of trudging along finding something and then scratching and getting an idea. Okay then here is where the critical point comes in, of course, of triage. Well, okay, you found something now what? On what basis do we decide this kind of thing, you see? And one of the first things that was asked of me, of course, was just figuring out a chronological fix on the different sites because a mud-brick structure could be anything from B.

    Well, the fact is, starting south of the Egyptian border, the very first site we hit was a pottery-making factory. It had been dug before but the report on it was not very interesting and, in the course of stripping off some sand off this thing, it turned out the be a mud-brick complex of about thirty rooms. But I could recognize right away that there was real important stratigraphy in the remains and that the pottery showed a very definite, clearly distinguishable evolutionary sequence.

    This is from the medieval period, Christian Nubian period [that] nobody ever been much interested in, it lasted a thousand years. My God, here is a potential key for dating all these sites. And so, I spent the whole of my first season working on that one site, much [chuckle] to the consternation of the Director of Antiquities.

    And that, of course, is where my previous background in the Southwest really came into play because we understood the importance of ceramic sequences in dating sites. You could just, you know, collect charcoal. Of course, one is the fact that radiocarbon dating was still very little developed and there were only about two or three labs in the States that could handle these things. Let me back up a little bit. So, most of the archaeology as distinguished from engineering had been done. It was only a question of working on the fringes from a higher pool contour. So, while in Egypt it was all temple removal and just a little odds and ends of archaeology.

    It was the other way around in the Sudan, it was getting archaeology done. Well, one of the interesting sidelights of that, of course, as an anthropologist, [are the] habitation sites and village sites. Creating, almost, if you like, creating a paradigm in the Sudan. But just trying to get the parts to fit together to make an overall picture of Sudanese cultural development over a period of time.

    We were running big crews, there were just the two of us and staying out on the dig all day and then coming back and having to work by the light of a Petromax lantern, working on plans and stuff like that. ADAMS: The Sudan was still in the pre-classificatory stage and we were the ones who created the sort of a classificatory approach with the different cells related to different areas and different periods of time so the things would be plugged into an overall scheme on that basis. Every major cultural change was attributed to the migrating, the coming of a new people.

    In fact, something else is going to have to be put in place. And so, I really developed a paradigm based on the idea [of] a continual cultural evolution, never mind the coming and going of individual people. And that article became very seminal and in a certain sense led to my later writing Nubia: Corridor to Africa, you see, which is now really regarded the Bible of Nubian study by everybody.

    They used that term themselves and has been translated in Arabic. Not at all. The fact is, during my whole seven years in the Sudan I never mentioned in my annual reports to UNESCO that I was actually doing archaeology in the field because that was not what I had been hired to do. So, what did you talk about, you know, after the initial step of aerial photography?

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    ADAMS: Well, I was supposed to [be] implementing and formulating and coordinating [chuckle] and liaison, and all those things. The fact is that before the campaign was over while we were there we had seventeen foreign expeditions that came and took concessions to work on parts of the area and I had quite a large part, first of all, in actually recruiting three American expeditions that came but also in working out the terms of their concessions, the boundaries of them and what they were expected to do and all that. And I did it in such a way that the parts would end up [as a] whole.

    Of course all that amounted to was just telling them what I was doing. ADAMS: And we dispensed air photos and maps for people and also indicated the system of recording that we hoped they would use. We visited the camps of the other foreign expeditions frequently to keep tabs on what they were doing. We plugged all their sites into our central archives. So, we had a central file of all of them and as Nettie says, we provided them with air photos too … It was called a Documentation Center and [chuckle] you know, the UNESCO is very happy to have you running a documentation center.

    But actually, of course, it was something we did in our spare time, because most of the time we were in the field. We had a house in Wadi Halfa that had electricity and it did have running water on the back porch [chuckle] and that is where we lived when we were not actually doing fieldwork. When the digs were going on we always rented houses, Nubian houses in the villages near the digs.

    And we had a succession of those as we worked southwards [from] the Egyptian border. In those circumstances we were just living like everybody else, you know, under mud walls and on mud floors and hauling our water from the Nile and so on. But we would go into to Wadi Halfa, you know on Fridays.

    We liked the Nubian houses though. They were very nice and spacious in a manner of speaking. The main thing in Wadi Halfa, though, was that we could take a shower. They were on the steamers up from Aswan to Wadi Halfa in the old days. ADAMS: People came by steamer to Wadi Halfa with the idea that they were dipping a toe in darkest Africa and so they created this little museum with a whole bunch of heads of Central Africa animals and stuff [laughs] on the wall.

    Exactly right. And they, you know, they get off and they take them out for a night in a tent and they sit on camels and stuff like [chuckle] you see. It was almost totally an ethnographic museum of Southern Sudanese material. And so we took over this room and among other things, of course, our excavations were producing enormous numbers of artifacts and so we had to create shelving and more shelving and more shelving just to store the stuff we were finding but also the potsherds, of course, came up in enormous quantities and the reason that I created the first pottery typology so I could throw these damn things away [chuckle].

    But is using up all our excavation baskets you see. And so, I created the initial pottery typology so that I could recognize some of Nettie Adams measuring a pot the big obvious utility types of pottery and just pull them out and throw them away so to speak after making counts [chuckle], you see.

    How did you recruit them? The Sudan Antiquity Service did all that for me. Now, I would like to say at this point, that if I had a successful career there, and I certainly did, a lot of what I had to do with the fact I was getting absolutely maximum logistic support from Sudan. I could be one hundred percent archaeologist. People then knock off and have lunch at that [time]. These people have their big meal in the middle of the day after they get off from work.

    ADAMS: They had a tent camp not very far away and their cook in camp would fix the stuff and then it was brought [to the site] or else they went back to camp. Now, I also had usually some local laborers from the immediate villages who just went home and came back. We housed the others. But as the seasons progressed and I got to be working with larger and larger and larger crews as I felt that I could manage them.

    You see, I ended up my last year I was working with a crew of men and only a very small proportion in those camps were from the local area. Some of them were actually Southern Sudanese laborers that had been hired by contract labor and brought to work. The rest of these guys were just being peasant farmers and so, they were used to digging in that sense. They all had to just learn from Day One how to do the kinds of work that we did.

    But apart from that I could leave the supervision in the hands of these guys and work down through the Reis primarily. What was going on there? And we all lived there together and shared the expenses of the house. And we had tiled floors so it was very clean. And running water in the backyard so, that was nice. And we also had a shower toward at the back of the house too which was nice.

    In the wintertime if you turned on the water and got right under it right away the water was warm enough because the pipes were on the surface of the ground so you could get a quick shower. So, in the summertime you had to let the water run out before you got in until the cooler water came on. So, how warm would it be in the winter?

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    Your body is constantly evaporating and it feels extremely cold. And the houses are built to hold the coolness, to keep the heat out. ADAMS: … kept the house clean and did the laundry. The laundry was a pretty big part of his job. Friday was their day off. They and our cook did most of the shopping … the shopping for all of our food. And then so, there was a market nearby you to buy food, what was the diet like? Well, in the wintertime you get all kinds of quite nice vegetables.

    ADAMS: We had a very good diet really; lots of fish and meat, lamb, other kinds of meat probably beef, probably camel. But our cook was an excellent cook. He could make a lot of different things, stews and roasts if he got a good piece of meat. He could make a nice roast or a leg of lamb, he could roast that. And we had potatoes and carrots and lots of squash, you know, what the British call marrows and eggplant and two different kinds of cucumbers.

    And then we had fruit. We had oranges and grapefruits, dried fruit in the form of dates, lots of dates. ADAMS: … made of dried apricots. And then there was canned fruit that we could buy. We were the only European … Euro-American … N. ADAMS: The other archaeological expeditions came and left but we were the only ones who came and stayed and we were the only Europeans or Americans who were there in the town all the time.

    We had all the major European countries plus the U. And these were headed by some really, you know, distinguished intellectual scholars. And the nice thing about it was, unlike the situation in Egyptian archaeology where they all live on their elegant houseboats and [be] sort of insulated from the community, everybody except the Chicago Oriental Institute, rented houses in the villages like we did. So, they lived close to the people and … and close to the scene. They created a camaraderie that was completely lacking in Egypt among the different expeditions, just the fact that we were all living this kind of village life.

    Journal of Egyptian Archaeology Adams, William Y. Nubia: Corridor to Africa. This was published originally by Penguin in Britain in Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. This is Bill Adams recently published memoir. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Martha, Will and Carol are new members. If you have any ideas for the oral history project contact one of us. This should be released soon. This involves converting the taped signal to. This included interviews done in early s during the first incarnation of the SfAA Oral History project. The sound quality runs from poor to fair. As always, if you have any suggestions or opportunities to interview folks, let one of us know.

    Various ideas were presented, but one topic was echoed by all: alcoholism. There appeared to be a united front promoting a study on anything that was related to alcohol abuse and dependence in the region. Given my five years of experience with brief alcohol intervention research, it seemed like a perfect match. I decided to focus on understandings of alcoholism within a broader context of mental health, and then explore the experience of recovery from mental health disorders, specifically alcoholism.

    To this end, I have interviewed over 30 community members, various political and religious leaders, ten local and regional health professionals, and several nongovernmental organization representatives. I have also collected over community surveys of mental health concerns in the area. In a preliminary review of my data, there is clear consensus that mental health disorders are abundant and in need of further study.

    Yet there is also a clear disconnect between the general and the leadership populations on how to manage the care of mental health disorders. In this article, I will present some of these differing views. I will end with a discussion of my own role as an applied anthropologist in helping community members negotiate their mental health care. The Popular Support While the biomedical model has become the overwhelming approach to healthcare by Panajachelenses, biomedical mental healthcare resources are limited. In fact, anthropologists have often cited the Evangelical church to be the Guatemalan Highlands version of Alcoholics Anonymous e.

    When I first met Tobias names have been changed , I was overwhelmed by the physical sensation of defeat that he exuded. His daughter, Maria, has been struggling with schizophrenia for over ten years, and in her most severe states has been physically violent toward several of her family members.